This article is part of our collaboration with International Policy Review at IE University. Photo Credits: Unsplash/Jan Antonin Kolar
Abstract
In the UN Secretary General’s report on progress made towards enhancing gender equality in 2016, significant accomplishments including increased access to education and reduced child marriage rates were reported. Through empirical research and policy analysis, we can determine the underlying catalysts of fertility decreases internationally, as well as the consequences of gender inequality. From changing personal choices to general attitude shifts in parenthood, normative drivers account for delays and announcements of having children. Causes for fertility declines include structural economic changes that increase the cost of raising children, and reward women for prioritizing career development over having children. Additionally, social barriers and pervasive gender norms disincentivize women from raising a family over the expectation of unequal divisions of household labor or jeopardizing their own ambitions.
Keywords: Sustainable Development Goal 5, Gender Equality, Fertility, Population Demographics
1. Introduction
The United Nations’ 17 Sustainability Goals, overseen by their Department of Economic and Social Affairs, outline seventeen tangible objectives that, despite being ambitious, can be applied in many international policy frameworks. Initially established to replace the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), the SDGs expand beyond a measurement of poverty and health, shifting the world “onto a more sustainable path.” The fifth sustainability goal, “[achieving] gender equality and [empowering] all women and girls” intends to ameliorate pervasive gender inequality around the world. When defining the development goal, the UN enumerates the consequences of gender inequality, including the demographic breakdown of childhood marriage and workplace discrimination. Through this lens, reports on the Sustainable Development Goals may seem out of reach and insurmountable, but statistics and graphical indications can better measure and delineate the progress and possibilities for achieving female empowerment. Enumerating six subcategories under this specific sustainability goal since 2017, the UN provides detailed breakdowns that make achieving gender equality more accessible. From economic resources to social stability, ensuring women’s access to equal opportunities and healthcare is a tangible step towards the reform of gender discrimination.
Though short term increases in gender equality would seemingly reduce fertility rates by granting mothers greater reproductive agency, a long term focus on gender equality brings widespread benefits for both the economy and society as whole. If women are empowered to make informed choices about their family timelines, they are more likely to pursue education and participate in the workforce, leading to growth in family incomes and broader economic growth. Societies with larger levels of gender equality have shown better health outcomes, improved child development, and overall strongest societal cohesion. Through this lens, gender equality becomes not only a moral incentive, but a practical one necessary for achieving the sustainable development that the UN champions. Through shifting discussion from SDGs to more focused approaches on gender equality and reproductive agency, this paper argues that empowering women in turn fosters greater fertility rates, galvanizing resilient, prosperous societies.
2. Background
In the UN Secretary General’s 2016 report on progress made towards enhancing gender equality, significant accomplishments were reported including increased access to education and reduced child marriage rates, resulting from increased education and introduction of better health practices. A reassertion of intent to reduce violence against women, from labor exploitation to gender inequality served to guide policy making for the following year. In the 2017 report of the Secretary General, gender inequality remained a global issue, restricting women’s rights and opportunities while exposing them to violence, child marriage, and harmful practices like female genital mutilation, despite some progress in reducing these issues. Women continued to face significant disparities in unpaid domestic work, political representation, and leadership roles, highlighting the need for stronger legal frameworks and policies to promote gender equality and empowerment.
Fast forward three years to 2020, and achieving complete equality for women and girls remained a significant challenge. Through the emphasis of the pandemic as an exogenous shock to gender equality, the 2020 report underscored the increased burden placed on women and girls as a consequence of the global lockdown. Not only did the increased time of children at home double down on the existing asymmetry in childcare and unpaid domestic labor, but domestic violence also increased. Though merely reflecting pre-pandemic trends of disproportional labor divisions between women and men in home spheres, they remain a potential influencing factor for the decrease in fertility discussed later in this paper. Across reports between 2016 and 2024, the United Nations’ assessments of progress and updates on the status of achieving the fifth Sustainable Development Goal inch towards improvement, but slow development and stagnation continue to be a concern. The consequences of backsliding during the pandemic extend beyond 2020, as the social and economic upheaval from lost jobs and further burdens of domestic labor underscore the persistent need for achieving gender equality. The UN states that “Over 100 million women aged 25-54 years with small children at home were out of the workforce globally in 2020, including the more than 2 million who left the labour force owing to the increased pressures of unpaid care work.” Though both 2023 and 2024 yearly updates on SDG progress detail that “the world is not on track to achieve gender equality by 2030,” small shifts towards parity are recognized, such as increased access to schooling and health. Labelled as “Target 5.4,” domestic and care work is one of the UN’s subcategories within the goal of achieving gender equality, illustrating the effect of the home sector on women’s empowerment. Despite the slow progress on closing the gender gap – one potential effect of such efforts could be falling fertility rates.
Dropping to the lowest rates in a century in 2024, the U.S.’s falling fertility rates prove to be a veritable threat to domestic family planning and the economy. The first dip in fertility rates after the pandemic was worsened by a 3% drop between 2022 and 2023. This data follows the expected trendline of fertility decline in the U.S. since 2007. It also fits amid a more widespread global fertility recession, with numbers varying well below the replacement rate (2.05 infants per woman). If the younger generation continues to shrink at this rate, policy makers will be forced to address the aging population with unfavorable alternatives by reducing healthcare benefits for the elderly or raising the retirement age.
Low fertility signals a potential demographic transition, characterised by a shrinking younger generation that contributes to economic innovation and to a viable workforce, while a growing aging population inevitably strains healthcare and social support systems. Of course, this may not be a direct causal relationship. Additionally, low fertility has the possibility of creating national population declines which ultimately limits the amount of workers and consumers within an economy. These fears can be potentially alleviated by encouraging immigration into the U.S., which brings in a diverse workforce and expands international consumer bases. One country which has used this approach is Greece, which utilizes much of its healthcare budget on pro-natal policies. They have also addressed their aging population by pursuing migration policies as an alternative to the costly and indeterminate results of pro-natal ones. The country bolsters its opinion by emphasizing the economic benefits, where the high-productivity rates associated with younger generations through immigration essentially serve as a “demographic pump” into the Greek workforce. However, implementing such a similar strategy in the U.S. may not be feasible at the moment due to rising anti-immigration sentiments and restrictive policies. Despite immigration approaches being potentially unlikely, the U.S. has the opportunity to draw from Greece’s recognition of immigration tools for labor shortages to support demographic balances, nevertheless adapting to fit its own domestic landscape.
Through empirical research and policy analysis, we can determine the underlying catalysts of fertility decreases internationally. From changing personal choices to broader attitude shifts in parenthood, normative factors account for delays in and decisions about having children. OECD findings indicate that long-term declines in the total fertility rate (TFR) can be attributed to increased “autonomy and agency in family planning,” as well as “social and economic” developments exogenous to family planning. Overall, the necessary background of the SDG planners, showcases that fertility declines are not merely a consequence of individual decision making, but an amalgamation of various complex social and economic transformations. Through a deeper understanding of these transformations surrounding decisions, especially that of reproductive autonomies and shifting narratives allows policymakers to better address demographic challenges. Ergo, conventional pro-natal strategies which merely suggest incentivizing childbirth, become relatively insufficient in addressing the values and needs of modern societies. While fertility rates continue to decrease across high income countries, the integration of immigration into the labor force and demographic planning proves to be a salient tool in sustaining economic vitality.
3. Analysis
3.1 Structural Influences
Global causes for fertility declines include structural economic changes that increase the cost of raising children, and reward women for prioritizing career development over having children. Additionally, social barriers and pervasive gender norms disincentivize women from raising a family over the expectation of unequal divisions of household labor or jeopardizing their own ambitions. Particularly in East Asian countries, causes surrounding downturns in childbirth include combinations of gender disparities and even low marital rates. Japanese women cite the domestic responsibilities put on women and gendered expectations as deterrences to starting families in anticipation of increased workload. Singapore has focused on pro-marital policies rather than pro-natal policies in response to their low fertility rates. Though difficult to assess the success of these policies utilizing matchmaking services, dating agencies, and shared housing benefits, stable trend lines and slight increases in fertility rates between 2009-2011 prove them either mildly beneficial or uninfluential. Ergo, the U.S. should address the social changes that lower fertility rates rather than narrowing in on financial incentives. Experimenting with low cost marital policies or other means that incentivise forming families could be a good approach. While it is increasingly difficult to pinpoint the success of such programs, this approach may serve as a potential model for the U.S. in addressing the social dimensions of declining fertility rates rather than merely focusing on financial incentives. Initially, a correlation between falling fertility rates and declining marriage rates in the U.S. would have to be established, therefore informing potential martial interventions that could help stabilize partnerships and family formations.
Changing societal gender norms additionally affects the decreasing fertility rates observed since 1960. With the increased participation of women in the labor market and educational opportunities, many women begin to weigh the cost-benefit of limiting their careers versus having children.Therefore, achieving a balance between economic growth and family planning becomes essential for optimising both fertility rates and economic outcomes.
Fig.1: How women’s time caring for households compares with fertility rates.
Source: OECD (2024).
Through the analysis of the effects of gender disparities in household organization, we can begin to highlight how the fragile balance between work life expectations for women have an observable effect on the rates of reproduction. As male participation in childcare and housework increases, shifts in attitudes and the ease of parenthood decreases the burden on women, rather than prioritizing a balanced family structure. When shifting toward a more equitable model of household labor, the number of births may increase, demonstrating the benefits of reducing pressure for women to serve as both the primary caregivers and household laborers.
3.1.2 Ideological Underpinnings
Throughout parts of Post-War Europe, a decline in fertility rates reflects a shift in political ideology. Formerly socialist or communist countries have experienced changes in childbearing ages, as women are introduced to more incentives for delayed parenthood in light of new economic opportunities. Government responses to these shifts in priorities include working to alleviate the balance between work and family responsibilities, offering lengthened maternity leave, free childcare, and priority housing for families with more children. Even in countries like Czechoslovakia that spend large percentages of their annual budgets on pro-natal and family oriented policies, complications persist – suggesting that merely pushing more money in may not be an efficient solution. Through these countries, we can see how the impact of ideological shifts encourages funding on behalf of countries, yet these methods are not always fully successful – a side-effect of the U.S.’s economic disparity and education inequality, the age difference in when women start families is similarly split by socioeconomic status. The oscillating status of contraceptive access and abortion legalization further complicates the delay in childbearing age through limiting family planning abilities, making it difficult to respond directly to falling birth rates.
Though indirect, shifting family planning policy to focusing on the development of children when they are young will take a step towards ameliorating the wealth gap and providing increased opportunities for lower income families, destabilizing the limiting social factors that disincentivize parents from increasing their family size. Placing more funding into policies such as affordable childcare, higher education, and government housing assistance can be a more long-term solution than the moderate increase in birth rates through rudimentary pro-natal policies like cash incentives for babies born.
As discussed previously, the disproportionate division of household responsibilities and women’s unpaid domestic labor serve as a veritable force for the perpetuation of gender inequality in families, while also reducing national fertility. Affected by exogenous factors such as the pandemic, the proportion of time spent on domestic labor has increased, as seen in Figure 2. Combining unpaid domestic and care work, women spend 18.1% of their day, while men only 7%. While some of this gap may be attributed to alternative factors such as the type of jobs either party holds, the large discrepancy illustrates the impact of sociological and normative factors on the persistent differences between men and women in the household.
When observing the regression analysis done by Jaspers, Mazrekaj, and Machado in a study on partner influences in labor market participation, we can visualize how the structure of family planning and relationships is both impacted and affected by the presence of children. Figure 3 showcases the respective hours worked for men and women depending on some factors, ultimately suggesting that the sex of their partners has an effect on their behavior in the market. When men have female partners as opposed to same-sex partners, they work around 21 more hours, in a statistically significant sample (Figure 3).
Fig.2: Proportion of time spent on unpaid domestic work.
Source: United Nations (2020).
Fig3: Effects for Monthly Hours Worked.
Source: Jaspers, Mazrekaj, and Machado (2024).
Mattias Doepke, a professor at Northwestern University, found through an analysis of 19 European countries that the imbalance in childcare responsibilities between men and women correlates with a country’s falling birthrate, as women are subsequently less inclined to have children. Therefore, gender disparities within the household have an observable impact on the decline in fertility rates globally. Doepke et al.argues that the empirical study of fertility requires new models – particularly those that reflect evolving family structures characterised by a delicate balance between careers and family life. OECD data from 2019 (Figure 1) analysing the gap in time spent on housework as opposed to child care suggests that, in countries where the difference in time spent on domestic work between women and men is less significant, the fertility rate maintains a rate of 1.5 or above. It is observed that in countries where men do an increased share of domestic chores, higher fertility rates exist in comparison with those of disproportionately female work labor.
4. Policy Approaches
4.1 Gender Equality Efforts
Gender equality efforts extend beyond workplace representation; reconciling family planning with economic priorities for working women becomes a powerful force in addressing declining fertility rates. Policies reducing the burden of childcare on families, such as paid parental leave, investments in early childhood care, and other family benefits further incentivize having children, potential TFR. While it is difficult to analyze the true impact of policies such as cash benefits and housing costs, contextual evidence is necessary to understand how these factors affect shifts in TFR.
Within a feminist context, normative influences on childbearing also play a role in the cognitive factors affecting womens’ decisions to reproduce. Differing values of autonomy and “self-actualization,” as well as higher standards in relationships alter the importance placed on childbearing. Through reducing the pressures of parenting placed on women, in a means that objectifies them to mere producers, stigma and normative pressure to reproduce may affect the willingness of women to have children.
4.2 Immigration Demographics
Following the “Family-Based Immigration” principle governing U.S. immigration policy, the government. can prioritize family unification for minor children of U.S. citizens, alleviating diminishing younger generations domestically. Furthermore, increasing the number of allotted international student visas can be a means to circumvent the dissent surrounding employment-based immigration while investing in a productive educated younger generation. The possibility of passing pro-immigration legislation seems favorable, as long as younger generations maintain their support, and solutions can be found to control unauthorized entry and streamline processing. Through expanding the size of the working labor force, immigration serves as a veritable force for diminishing the age dependency ratio, ultimately offering both positive fiscal benefits and reducing demographic pressures that may push fertility rates down.
Through a combination of affordable childcare and education, support of work-life balance, and facilitated immigration policies, the U.S. can contribute to population growth and raise fertility rates while valuing both career advancement and family planning. These solutions are informed by international pro-natal policies and their successes, such as that of immigration shifts in Greece and pro-marital policies in East Asia, as well as responding to factors such as delayed marriage and childbearing, economic uncertainty, and societal shifts. Furthermore, through developing metrics and improving data monitoring of these policies and the overall changes in fertility rates, these evaluations will provide valuable insights into the effectiveness of these strategies. Addressing falling fertility rates in the United States requires a multi-faceted approach that addresses the complex interplay of economic and social factors influencing family formation decisions. By implementing targeted policies to support working parents, make childcare more affordable, and encouraging immigration of younger generations, the U.S. can work towards reversing the trend of declining fertility rates with the added potential to mitigate cyclical gender inequality.
5. Conclusion
Addressing gender inequality and the decrease in fertility rates requires a multifaceted and nuanced approach, incorporating economic, social, and policy-driven solutions. Prioritizing UN Sustainable Development Goal 5, Gender Equality, is a crucial step towards advancing equity and women’s empowerment is a step towards progress in reducing the inequalities in labor and workplace disparities. The impacts of declining fertility rates have the potential to influence broader demographic trends of shifting labor rates as well.
Tackling gender norms, economics, and policy decisions is crucial in shaping family planning, which plays a key role in combating declining fertility rates. Implementing family-friendly policies, such as alleviating childcare burdens and addressing normative inequalities in household labor, has the potential to foster the familial stability needed to raise fertility rates. Balancing pro-natal policies with gender equality, as well as considering an alternative like immigration can comprehensively address both exogenous and endogenous catalysts driving shifts in fertility rates.
Ultimately, reversing demographic trends lies contingent on shifts in policy and the progress of gender equality, as outlined in the UN’s Sustainable Development Goal 5, working towards a future in which gender equity and population stability rise in conjunction with each other.
6. List of Figures
Figure 1: How women’s time caring for households compares with fertility rates …………….……………6
Figure 2: Proportion of time spent on unpaid domestic work……..……………………………………………….. 8
Figure 3: Effects for Monthly Hours Worked …………………………………………………………….…………….. 8
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