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This article is part of our collaboration with International Policy Review at IE University. Photo Credits: Medium.

Abstract

Conflicts have plagued the Earth since the beginning of time. In 2015, the United Nations Sustainable Development Goals were set with Goal 16 aiming to establish peace and strong institutions. Despite this, conflict remains a prevalent issue in society. Of these regions, this article examines conflict in Ukraine, Gaza, and the Democratic Republic of Congo. Through these three cases, this article will discuss and analyze measures taken by the international community to prevent the escalation of conflicts, and to stop active conflicts. The article concludes that the ideal policy approach to take in regards to conflict prevention combines peacekeeping and peacebuilding. It invokes the importance of peacekeeping missions and addressing past grievances, while simultaneously providing justice to heal wounds and address root causes of tensions. To halt active conflict, it was found that mediated negotiations are most effective, and that displays of condemnation by the international community may have negative consequences on local communities. 

Keywords: Sustainable Development Goals, SDG 16, Peace, Conflict, Strong Institutions.

1. Introduction

In the past five years, conflict levels have almost doubled– with 2023 seeing over 233,000 deaths due to conflicts. Physical insecurity, mass displacement, job loss, lacking access to food and clean water, the destruction of infrastructure and widespread poverty are only some of the various consequences of these devastating events, whose ripple effects transgress across all areas of life. Conflict-riddled areas create challenges in a myriad of areas; this is because security is inherently interlinked with development and sustainability. In light of this, the United Nations (UN) created a target to explicitly address conflict when crafting the Sustainable Development Goals (SDG) in 2015. The 16th SDG is to “promote peaceful and inclusive societies for sustainable development, provide access to justice for all and build effective, accountable and inclusive institutions at all levels.” Through 12 targets, this SDG aims to tackle conflict, injustice, and unstable institutions. Amongst these, target 16.1 calls to “significantly reduce all forms of violence and related death rates everywhere”, 16.6 aims to “develop effective, accountable and transparent institutions at all levels”, and 16.8 aims to “broaden and strengthen the participation of developing countries in the institutions of global governance.” 

The target has been qualified as the most ambitious of the 17 SDGs, as its accomplishment will have a multiplier effect on other SDGs, such as SDG 1: “No Hunger”, and SDG 10: “Reduced Inequalities.” Encompassing such a large range of issues, all of which have implications upon other key challenging SDG areas constitute achieving the 16th SDG by 2030 a monumentally difficult task. 

The goal has not gone without scrutiny or controversy. Shortly after it was implemented, doubts were expressed in regards to the goal’s encouragement of fighting wars in lieu of funding “non-violent, preventative, and developmental approaches.” However, arguably, if the notion that strong institutions are imperative for sustainable development is assumed, it is necessary to temper violent conflicts first, and ensure citizens’ safety before addressing institutions and systemic issues themselves. A model of conflict dynamics and conflict resolution created by scholars Miall, Ramsbotham, and Woodhouse illustrates a schematic cycle in the shape of an hourglass, and highlights the ideal paths back to peace at each stage of a conflict. In the case of full-fledged war, peacemaking is imperative, which then eventually allows for peacekeeping and, ultimately, peacebuilding. Peacemaking is the act of stopping a conflict, whereas peacekeeping attempts to hold such negative peace–which implies an absence of violence and conflict–and allow for positive peace: peacebuilding. At this stage, institutions are strengthened, justice is enforced to smooth out grievances, and lingering tensions are resolved. The model highlights that at the stage in which conflict begins to form, there is the possibility of preventing it by strengthening institutions and enforcing peacebuilding measures. Despite this, some conflicts escalate to the point of war, which raises the question: To what extent are international approaches to tackling conflict effective? 

In order to best respond to this question, this article examines the following: root causes of several ongoing conflicts as an answer to why preventative conflict measures were unsuccessful; initiatives taken to stop the conflicts once they have escalated; and the potential effectiveness of these initiatives. The article delves into the conflicts currently occurring in Ukraine, in Gaza, and in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, as they are all politically relevant and arise from long-standing tensions. 

2. Progress and Setbacks for Peace and Strong Institutions

It has been noted that, prior to the UN’s commitment to enforcing security in 2015, the circles of development and security were kept separate–with security circles putting little emphasis on development, and development actors largely disregarding security. From the implementation of the Sustainable Development Goals onwards, the target has seen some improvements and drawbacks. Between 2022 and 2023, civilian casualties experienced a spike of 72%–the highest since the creation of the SDGs. In 2023, seven out of ten recorded deaths worldwide occurred in Palestine and Israel. This is largely due to the escalation of tensions due to the events of October 7th. On this date, Hamas, a Palestinian resistance group, led armed attacks against Israel, sparking an escalation of conflict. Some targets that are unrelated to the reduction of violent conflict have however seen some improvements. From 2015 to 2023, the number of countries with independent national human rights institutions meeting international standards saw an increase of 23%; a product of national initiatives. Yet overall, the UN has reported stagnating progress while, in low income countries, and in the regions of the Middle East, North Africa, and Sub-Saharan Africa, progress is actually decreasing. These alarming indices are partly due to the presence of several ongoing conflicts in these areas, which create instability and insecurity. Other areas, such as Eastern Europe, are marked as “stagnating”, despite war being present in Ukraine, as 2024 did not see an escalation of violence.

3. Approaches to Conflict: International Initiatives

3.1 Preventative Measures

Conflict rarely arises sporadically. Johan Galtung, a Norwegian political scientist, imagined a conflict triangle, addressing the causes of a conflict. At the manifest level, the peak of the triangle, conflict is apparent through behaviours: violence, insurgency, discrimination. The latent level, meanwhile, constitutes the behaviours and contradictions that form the foundations on which this behaviour rests–that is, attitudes of racism or discrimination, contradictions such as inequality, and disputes over territory. The issues found at the latent level usually accumulate and brew over time, and only after do they culminate in the behaviour observed at the manifest level. At times, tensions may seep through to the manifest level, before outright conflict breaks out. It is at this stage that preventative measures to avoid an escalation into severe violence could be implemented. This stage may also be found on the de-escalation side of the conflict pyramid, as is the case for the three conflicts examined in this article. 

The war in Ukraine, most notably, saw tensions building up from 2014 to the escalation of conflict in 2022, with Russia’s invasion of the former. The illegitimate annexation of Crimea in 2014 occurred following a popular movement in Ukraine supporting an agreement with the European Union (EU). In a peacemaking and peacekeeping attempt, the Minsk Protocol, which had the purpose of ending war, was signed in September. The exacerbation of the conflict called for a second attempt to establish peace in January 2015 through Minsk II. Despite the agreement stipulating the conditions of a ceasefire, fighting continued between Ukrainian forces and pro-Russian separatists. Part of the reason why the ceasefire did not hold was due to both sides’ continued possession of arms, as reported by the OSCE Special Monitoring Mission.

Moreover, from 2014 to 2022, an estimated 14,000 people were killed, showing the extent to which the peace talks were ineffective in maintaining peace between the two nations. Condemnation of the aggression was furthermore expressed through sanctions, notably those of the EU, imposed on Russia,. However, none of these measures or approaches addressed the underlying grievances held by Russia and its president, Vladimir Putin. In February 2022, President Putin justified his invasion of Ukraine with the goal of demilitarising, neutralizing, and denazifying Ukraine. This highlights that the measures taken by the international community, which include the encouragement of peace talks and the implementation of sanctions, were ineffective at finding an accord between the two nations to solve these problems.

The conflict in Gaza similarly saw an escalation in October of 2023 after decades of tensions and prior conflict. The establishment of the Oslo Accords in 1993, mediated by Norway and preceded by the 1995 Oslo II accords, constituted an “interim agreement” between the Israeli government and the Palestinian Liberation Organization. Despite this, the accord did not progress towards “final status” issues such as borders, refugees, or the status of Jerusalem. While peacekeeping was taking place, no peacebuilding was undertaken. Israeli and Palestinian publics were moreover inadequately informed about the compromises, leading to backlash from both sides.

 While Israel was in favour of implementing negative peace–stopping violence– Palestinians wanted peace as achieved through justice. 

Despite this, peace treaties since the Oslo Accords did try to incorporate a wider set of issues, such as the question of refugees and borders, such as the 2003 Geneva Accord, or the Arab Peace Initiatives of 2002 and 2007. However, ultimately, the different viewpoints of the conflict’s opposing entities led to these initiatives lacking the effectiveness to address underlying grievances, and avoid violent escalation, such as that which occurred in 2023.

Underlying grievances are a crucial factor when considering the case of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. The conflict’s roots originate from post-colonial battles, ranging from the 1960s to the 1990s. According to Amnesty International, the conflict stems from the country’s colonial legacy which: caused the DRC to inherit borders exacerbating ethnic rivalries; contributed to their desire to control resources; caused the involvement of neighbouring Rwanda and its genocide against the Tutsi; contributed to a challenging access to justice; and caused a continuation of the first and second Congolese wars. These historical grievances constitute the tensions present in the country, which most notably began in 2012.

 In 2012, the March 23 Movement, or M23, also known as the Congolese Revolutionary Army, was formed to rebel against the government, backed by Rwanda. Conflict escalated again in 2017, 2022, and in January 2025, when violence escalated anew. This escalation occurred despite preventative measures being in place, such as the MONUSCO. In 2010, the UN Security Council mandated a peacekeeping mission known as MONUSCO–the french acronym for the United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the DR Congo, with 11,500 Blue Helmets. The mission had “been authorized to use all necessary means” to protect civilians, humanitarian personnel and human rights defenders under threat of physical violence. It also supported the government of the DRC in its “stabilization and peace consolidation efforts”. Beyond providing humanitarian assistance, MONUSCO trained police, corrections officers, and members of the judiciary to strengthen the DRC’s justice systems. These measures were however clearly ineffective in eradicating violence. This violence serves to achieve the M23 rebels’ main objective that is to protect the interests of Congolese Tutsi, particularly against Hutu rebel groups who escaped Rwanda after committing acts of genocide against the Tutsi. While the international missions attempted to strengthen institutions and the judicial system of the DRC, these missions failed to effectively address the historical grudges between ethnic groups.

3.2 Measures to Stop Active Conflict

In February 2022, tensions between Russia and Ukraine culminated in Russia’s invasion of the latter. Conflict between the two countries has only increased in intensity since. In response to the aggression, international actors, such as the US or the UK, imposed sanctions on Russia. The EU followed suit, increasing the severity of the sanctions they had imposed prior upon Russia in 2014. Military aid was moreover sent to Ukraine by the EU to help its defense against the invasion: The US in this respect spent 66.5 billion dollars on military aid alone, along with humanitarian aid. Most notably, in 2023, 107 inter-agency convoys with necessary supplies were delivered to Ukraine by the UN, aiding 11 million people by covering their basic needs. Beyond these actions to ensure the security and defense of Ukraine and its citizens, attempts at peacemaking also took place. The international community most notably called for the materialization of peace talks. In early March, the UK, France, and several other countries formed a ‘coalition of the willing’, which vowed to “defend a deal in Ukraine and to guarantee peace afterwards.” On the 18th of March of 2025, President Putin agreed to a month long energy truce, which entailed halting attacks on energy infrastructure. He stated that a full ceasefire would require the ending of foreign military aid. The 19th of April saw the announcement of an additional ‘Easter truce’–one which President Zelensky alleges has been broken.

In the case of Ukraine, the approach to solving the conflict initially focused on military aid, yet is reorienting towards cooperation and negotiation. This appears to be somewhat effective, although the fighting remains ongoing.

Conversely, on the 7th of October, Israel experienced an attack led by Hamas, a Palestinian group calling for the independence and liberty of the state. Similarly to Ukraine, the international community responded by sending aid to the site of conflict. Since 2023, the EU has sent over 450 million euros to support Palestinians. As the conflict has escalated, so has the call for ceasefire, which includes several European governments and the UN, who made the statement in December 2024. On January 19th 2025, a ceasefire deal was struck, and then broken by Israel on Tuesday, March 18th, when the country struck and killed more than 400 Palestinians. According to the BBC, the failure of the ceasefire rests on Hamas’s unwillingness to negotiate the terms of peace–which Israel sees as a refusal to extend negotiations–as well as the fact that a revival of the fighting gives Prime Minister Netanyahu a political asset. These reasons are speculative, however, and the secrecy of the negotiations makes it difficult to obtain a confirmation of these factors. Nonetheless, the ultimate ineffectiveness of negotiations rests on the inability of the parties to reach compromise.

The escalation of violence in Congo in January 2025, with the M23 movement’s invasion of Goma, led to more than 3,000 casualties, and the destruction of necessary infrastructure and services. February 4th saw a unilateral ceasefire called by the M23, which was broken two days later by the seizing of Nyabibwe. February 21st saw Resolution #2773 issued by the UN Security Council, calling for an immediate cessation of hostilities. The Council emphasized the humanitarian crisis in the DRC, exacerbated by sexual violence suffered by women. In a show of condemnation, the EU and the US imposed sanctions on the region, notably prohibiting the direct dealing with the new authorities. While a respectable expression of condemnation, the restrictions do not improve stability for Congolese citizens, as they are rather deprived of many institutions. Banks in the DRC have for example been closed by their delocalised managers, as new banks are not allowed to open. Due to this, individuals are unable to withdraw money and support themselves. Sanctions have a negative effect on Congolese individuals, who are already suffering due to violence, as calls for ceasefire have not proved to be much more effective.

4. Policy Recommendations: Addressing Root Causes and Encouraging Discussion

4.1 Preventative Measures

In the three cases of conflict evaluated above–the DRC, Gaza, and Ukraine–the recurring issue that seems to prevent the effectiveness of approaches initiated in times of relatively low conflict, is the failure to address real grievances and historical grudges. In order to avoid resentment accumulating or being ignored, a solution would be to integrate members of the public in decision making through the use of ‘citizen councils’. These councils would enable individuals to act as representatives of their communities and discuss the improvements they would like to see and the injustices they feel plague society with the appropriate authorities. This would enable change to be enacted, and provide individuals closure from past grudges and wounds. 

In times where conflict is less intense, it is crucial to implement measures in line with peacebuilding. For example, providing people with justice to not only solve their grievances but to also enforce human rights and security, one of the largest consequences of conflict, is crucial. The effective enforcement of justice would additionally consolidate the legitimacy of national institutions, thus strengthening them. If national institutions are too weak to provide justice, these measures, in conjunction with frameworks such as international courts and tribunals, could provide these institutions with further strength. Such collaboration could take the form of judges and legal personnel being loaned by these institutions or perhaps a greater, separate court being established in more extreme cases. 

In order for peacebuilding to be effective, peacekeeping must be fruitful. This may be achieved through the more efficient regulation of arms flow, to avoid incidents such as those between Russia and Ukraine from 2014 to 2022. While the peacekeeping operation of MONUSCO was not very successful, it is important for all of the mentioned measures to be implemented simultaneously to maximize the potential effectiveness.

4.2 Measures to Halt Active Conflict

When conflict is ongoing and intense, the goal is evidently to stop it. The most legitimate way to achieve this is by supporting peace negotiations and the implementation of a ceasefire. As seen in the cases examined above, this alone does not however always lead to a definitive, or even temporary, halt to the conflict. Sometimes, talks do not even begin. To solve this issue, it may be more fruitful to hold the talks in the presence of mediators which hold diplomatically strong relations with both parties. One impartial mediator with strong diplomatic ties with all parties involved, or several mediators with close ties to different parties of the negotiation would be effective. These mediators would ensure the progress of the negotiation, and that the parties’ individual principal concerns are considered. Negotiations may be facilitated by the persuasive power of these mediators over the specific parties due to their stronger diplomatic ties. 

Beyond peace talks, ensuring the security of citizens is of paramount importance. This establishes humanitarian aid as imperative. The concepts of humanitarian aid and security are a crucial part of the SDG goals, largely due to the impact of security on a plethora of other developmental challenges, such as poverty and hunger. Humanitarian aid is moreover necessary to avoid active conflict from worsening these undesirable consequences. This must be taken into consideration by the international community when publicly condemning conflict through actions such as sanctions, which may have negative repercussions on the local population. This would go against the objectives of the SDGs as a whole.

5. Conclusion

Within the political context of lingering tensions and conflicts all around the globe, SDG 16 is just as relevant today, in 2025, as it was in 2015. Progress on this front is stagnating or decreasing, and the issue of strengthening institutions and establishing peace is one which political scientists continue to ponder upon, to no avail. While the concept of eradicating conflict is utopian in nature, the reduction or deescalation of conflict could be feasible, with an emphasis upon communication and peacebuilding. Despite this, there are no definite ways to reduce conflict, as past examples show that tensions can easily escalate into full fledged conflicts. This causes the decline of not only SDG 16, but of the other SDGs, and sustainable development as a whole.

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